Webcast on the Civil War Tuesday

I wanted to make you all aware of a webcast on the war dealing with common soldiers.

The Common Soldier of the Civil War – Tuesday, April 20, 2010  11:00 a.m.—12:00 p.m. ET


This webcast is part of the Civil War Webcast Series hosted by American Military University and the Weider History Group (http://www.historynet.com/).

In our partnership with the Weider History Group, we aim to produce polished, informative seminars that will feature discussions by great Civil War scholars including: Steven E. Woodworth, Barry J. Shollenberger, and Dana B. Shoaf.  If you are interested, I would greatly appreciate it if you could please register and post an entry on Civil War History.  Also, please feel free to use any text or biography headshots for your blog post.  I would register today for “The Common Soldier of the Civil War” as this webcast will be on Tuesday of next week (the 20th) and seats are limited.

I will be participating in this webcast tomorrow and hope some of you will as well.

Access to online Civil War database announced by H-CivWar

I received the following announcement via H-CivWar:

Readex is offering instant access this week (upon completion of a very
brief registration form) to The Civil War: Antebellum Period to
Reconstruction.  This searchable database features historical
newspapers, government documents and printed ephemera from the Readex Archive of Americana.


Now, for those of you who do not belong to H-CivWar or any other H-Net discussion network, I would urge you to subscribe to receive emails, as there is some useful and interesting information in the emails, including job opportunities.

This offer is only valid until April 19, 2010, so check it out while you can.

Thoughts on the new Civil War journal adopted by SCWH

As many members of the Society of Civil War Historians (SCWH) know, the Society will be adopting a new journal being created at the University of North Carolina Press, to be called Journal of the Civil War Era. While I welcome a new journal, which will only add to the rich historiography on the war, I am saddened by the loss of an established and reputable publication as an adopted publication of a historical society. I have waited a while to weigh in on this (both because of being busy with studies and wanting to have a greater chance to reflect on this), but want to share a couple of thoughts about this.

First, let me state that I plan to subscribe to both publications. This is so that I can support a new journal, as well as stay abreast of scholarship within the established periodical. A new journal offers wonderful opportunities for young scholars to get that all-important publication line on their vita. However, my one concern is how will the end of the SCWH using Civil War History as their journal effect that journal’s success.

Second, will this issue eventually cause a new historical organization for Civil War scholars to form? I am torn on this, as such possible dissension could hurt organized Civil War scholarship by creating several small groups that lack cohesive power to assert the value of their research to the larger profession. However, the possibility of another group raises thought of a situation akin to The Historical Society, which began as an off-shoot of the American Historical Association, but now has a solid reputation. Whatever eventually happens in the next year, Civil War scholars will let their voices be heard on this. Hopefully, they will continue to support Civil War History and embrace the new journal at the same time. I hope that the two publications do not hurt each other by competing for material.

Overall, I believe this transition will be relatively painless. There will be some upset, but the research and scholarship will continue. I urge readers to join the Society and to subscribe to Civil War History.

Unedited version of Burlingame’s Abraham Lincoln: A Life Vol. 2 now available

I posted about a year ago about Knox College making an unedited version of Michael Burlingame’s Abraham Lincoln: A Life. At that time only the first volume was up. Well, I just checked and the second volume is now online. The whole book is available here. I urge my readers to go and check out this remarkable work. Please note that the Knox College website where the unedited book is found is making known that those wishing to buy the book from the publisher can save 25% with promo code GZA.

Two new resources for Civil War manuscripts

Thanks to the forums at the Company of Military Historians, there are a couple websites made known that provide online access to Civil War manuscripts. The first is Manuscripts of the Civil War: Diaries & Journals, which is affiliated with Notre Dame. The other site is called Civil War Manuscripts Project, which is part of the Connecticut Historical Society. If you are interested in researching, or simply reading Civil War manuscripts, then check these sites out.

The scholarship of secession

Thanks to Civil Warriors for providing the link to a article in the recent issue of The Chronicle of Higher Education. This article was quite good and raised a few interesting thoughts for me about the state of scholarship on the South and Civil War, as well as that of the larger academy. While no one, except those on the fringes of society, will argue that American race-based slavery was not an immoral stain on our nation, the larger scholarship on the South and the Civil War as well seems unwilling or afraid to tackle the uncomfortable areas within Southern culture and history, areas where the South has some positive attributes. Mr. Livingston’s exploration into the subject of secession and Southern history is quite fascinating, as while I am a Northern man, and would have stood tall for the Union, this entrance into the historiographical discourse is great. The more voices added, the richer the chorus. History is no different.

What this article does reveal is a troubling indictment of the current state of academe in America. While Livingston and other scholars involved with his Abbeville Institute are undoubtedly good people, they are venturing into a territory where cries of racist and neo-Confederate are leveled, simply for choosing to explore an area of history that is seemingly unpopular in most circles. While secession is, in my opinion, not a legitimate response, in the case of the South, I do feel that we must study it in order to have a better understanding of the tumultuous time in our nation before the war and during its early stage. I posted a couple comments on the post at Civil Warriors and the responses were polite, but still somewhat dismissive of what this group of scholars is trying to accomplish. My question is why? Are historians afraid that if any positive attributes regarding Southern history and culture surface that Americans will suddenly ignore slavery and the negatives? I believe that most people are smarter than that.

The article acknowledged that scholars involved with the society sought to explore what they (the Abbeville scholars) viewed as the “positive aspects of Southern history and culture.” The scholars did not deny, according to the piece, the bigotry and racism of the South, but seemed to be arguing for letting historians more well-versed in such subjects tackle them.

The negative reaction from some in the academy to this angle of research causes me to think about the rise of New History fifty years ago. It seems that reaction from historians at that time to new interpretations was one of fear and anger, but New History, despite some politicized attributes that even I have issues with, has made wonderful contributions to our understanding of the past. It seems that, if given the chance, the Abbeville Institute can do the same, provided there is guidance and a keen awarness on the part of Abbeville scholars of Southern historiography, so that they can intelligently refute challenges that will come their way.

Overall, my attitude is one of embrace with caution. Let these scholars have their chance to be heard, but be aware of those who would use such areas of study for more malicious purposes. Studying secession as a political response, as well as trying to understand the positive values that did shape Southern culture, while maintaining the understanding of the immorality and evil of the institution that the South defended, will improve Southern history, as it will foster robust dialogue and questions, which can open new avenues to approaching the history and culture of the antebellum South. I stress caution, however, so that the rules of scholarship are enforced, and that those in charge of Abbeville distance themselves from those invovled with Southern heritage-based groups and neo-Confederate groups, thus avoiding tarnishining their reputation early. The academy should welcome the Abbeville Institute and its scholars to the table and work to create intersections between differing areas of research, as I feel both sides in this debate can learn from each other.

I’m in print

Sorry everyone for not posting lately, but I have been quite busy with graduate school, but hope to put out a couple book reviews very soon. I did want to share some awesome news that I would have put out on Monday, if my laptop had not contracted a malicious program that resulted in having to restore the system to the original Windows XP. I received a package containing two volumes of the Encyclopedia of the Veteran in America put out by ABC-Clio, which includes three entries written by yours truly. Two of them have a Civil War focus, with one being a brief biography of former general and GAR Commander-in-Chief John Logan, and the other devoted to the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States (MOLLUS), which was an association of Civil War officers, which is now an organization of their male descendants. I would post these, but copyright prevents this, but I will see if I can post some of them. This is quite awesome for me, as I can put this on my CV and can see my name in print as a contributor for a work.

Updated link to free unedited copy of Abraham Lincoln: A Life

If anyone is still out looking for the free unedited copy of Michael Burlingame’s Abraham Lincoln: A Life, the link has bee updated. The first volume can be downloaded here. Happy reading to everyone who has not yet checked out this work. Also on that page, you can learn more about an offer on the edited two-volume published version, which is quite large, but worth it.

Civil War reading recommended by the US Army

The fine folks at the US Army’s Command and General Staff College at Ft. Leavenworth have several bibliographies relating to military science and history, including Dr. Robert Berlin’s Historical Bibliography No. 8:Military Classics (1991), which has a section devoted to the Civil War. Here are the books they list on the war:

Beringer, Richard E., et al. Why the South Lost the Civil War. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1986.

    This study offers serious students an interpretation of why the South lost the Civil War. The authors, all history professors, believe the Confederacy succumbed to internal rather than external causes.

Catton, Bruce. A Stillness at Appomattox. New York: Washington Square Press/Simon & Schuster, 1970, c1953.

    Written with vigor, clarity, and warmth, Catton’s work describes the last year of the Civil War, including the Battle of the Wilderness and the siege of Petersburg. This is the third volume in the author’s trilogy about the war. It is preceded by Mr. Lincoln’s Army and Glory Road. Catton’s Civil War volumes are simply magnificent.

_______.The Coming Fury (vol. 1), Terrible Swift Sword (vol, 2), and Never Call Retreat (vol. 3). Centennial History of the Civil War series. New York: Doubleday, 1961-65.

    Catton was America’s leading Civil War writer, and all of his books are worth reading. These volumes provide an exciting account of the Civil War from the Union perspective.

Coddington, Edwin B. The Gettysburg Campaign: A Study in Command. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1984, c1968.

    For those seeking a thorough examination of the Battle of Gettysburg, this book provides a comprehensive battle analysis and evaluates command during the entire campaign leading to the battle.

Foote, Shelby. The Civil War, a Narrative. 3 vols. New York: Random House, 1958-74.

    A Mississippian, novelist, World War II field artillery captain, and master narrator of men and battles, Shelby Foote captures the flavor of the times and examines the war as a whole, including all the major campaigns. While the three volumes contain nearly 3,000 pages of text, they are beautifully written and easily read.

Freeman, Douglas Southall. Lee’s Lieutenants: A Study in Command. 3 vols. New York: C. Scribner’s Sons, 1942-44; New York: Scribner, 1986.

    Once very popular with U.S. military officers, this readable narrative is a composite biography of Confederate generals and a masterful study of command and war. Freeman takes great care to preserve some Confederate legends.

Fuller, J. F. C. Grant and Lee: A Study in Personality and Generalship. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1982, cl933.

    Major General Fuller examines the influence of personality on generalship. He broke with the then-conventional view that Grant was a butcher and Lee one of the world’s greatest generals.

Hattaway, Herman, and Archer Jones. How the North Won: A Military History of the Civil War. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1983.

    Emphasizing strategy and logistics, these two history professors have produced a thorough, comprehensive analysis of the Civil War from the viewpoint of the high-level commanders on both sides. Also included is an excellent appendix on how to study military operations.

Henderson, George Francis Robert. Stonewall Jackson and the American Civil War. Abridged by E. B. Long. Gloucester, MA: Peter Smith, 1968, c1962.

    Written in 1898 by a famous British officer and military historian, this book is the classic analysis of the great Confederate general and was required reading for generations of British officers.

Luvaas, Jay, and Harold W. Nelson. The U.S. Army War College Guide to the Battle of Antietam: The Maryland Campaign in 1862. Carlisle, PA: South Mountain Press, 1987.

    The authors, who teach at the U.S. Army War College, provide a valuable tool for conducting a staff ride of Antietam, covering the Battles of South Mountain, Crampton’s Gap, Harpers Ferry, and Antietam. If you have the opportunity to conduct your own staff ride at this well-preserved battlefield located near Carlisle, Pennsylvania, and Washington, D.C., you should first read Landscape Turned Red by Stephen Sears, then examine the Center of Military History pamphlet, The Staff Ride (CMH Pub 70-21) by Dr. William Glenn Robertson of the Combat Studies Institute, and finally, go to the field with this guide. Luvaas and Nelson have also written a similar guide to Gettysburg.

McPherson, James. Ordeal by Fire: The Civil War and Reconstruction. New York: Knopf, 1982.

    McPherson, in the best one-volume survey of the war, examines political, military, social, and economic aspects of the Civil War.

Sears, Stephen W. Landscape Turned Red: The Battle of Antietam. New Haven, CT: Ticknor and Fields, 1983; New York: Warner Books, 1985.

    In this recent, splendid battle analysis, Sears provides gripping reading about a battlefield you will want to visit.

Shaara, Michael. The Killer Angels. New York: McKay, 1974; New York: Ballantine Books, 1980.

    This historical novel of the Battle of Gettysburg is accurate, easy to read, and a much-discussed book at the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College (and for reasons other than it being required reading). Featured in this memorable war novel are Confederate General James Longstreet and the hero of Little Round Top, Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain.

Williams, T. Harry. Lincoln and His Generals. New York: Random House, 1967, c1952.

    Williams, one, of America’s greatest professors of history, presents the controversial thesis that President Lincoln was an outstanding commander in chief whose strategic vision brought victory to the Union. The author also shows how Lincoln developed a modern command system for the United States. Students admire this book for its keen analysis bright narrative.

While this list is certainly a bit dated and several recent landmark works of scholarship are absent because of that, I do think that this list is quite good. I will explore a little further and see if an updated list has surfaced and will post it if found. I will also invite you all to consider their list of Books for the Military Professional, which has several of the works from the above list.

Donating my work

I wanted to let you all know that while I was visiting Illinois, I donated a copy of my thesis to the Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library in Springfield. This is not because I necessarily believe that my work is so great that everyone must read it, but was more to show my appreciation to the institution, as they provided me the majority of my source material, particularly manuscripts and newspapers on microfilm. I received a letter yesterday from them expressing gratitude for my donation. I will also be sending them an electronic copy shortly as well. To that end, I am providing it to you all as well. While I posted the document months ago, this copy has the page containing the approving signatures of my committee, which I was able to access finally before I left and incorporate it into the PDF. I hope those of you who have not yet read my thesis will download it and read it. Please remember that it is a copyrighted work and I would appreciate being credited if you choose to use it in research, as I did put a lot of work into it.


New York Historical Society Exhibit “Lincoln and New York” to open in October


Historical Society’s Lincoln Year Celebrations to Culminate with the First In-Depth Exploration of the Intertwined Careers of America’s Greatest President and America’s Greatest City

NEW YORK, NY (June 4, 2009) – From the launch of Abraham Lincoln’s 1860 Presidential campaign with a speech at Cooper Union through the unprecedented outpouring of grief at his funeral procession in 1865, New York City played a surprisingly central role in the career of the sixteenth President—and Lincoln, in turn, had an impact on New York that was vast, and remains vastly underappreciated.

Now, for the first time, a museum exhibition will trace the crucial relationship between America’s greatest President and its greatest city, when the New-York Historical Society presents Lincoln and New York, from October 9, 2009 through March 25, 2010. The culminating presentation in the Historical Society’s Lincoln Year of exhibitions, events and public programs, this extraordinary display of original artifacts, iconic images and highly significant period documents is the Historical Society’s major contribution to the nation’s Lincoln Bicentennial. Lincoln and New York has been endorsed by the U.S. Abraham Lincoln Bicentennial Commission.

Lincoln and New York is made possible by the generosity of JP Morgan Chase & Co., lead sponsor for the exhibition and its robust school programs for New York City teachers and students. This exhibition is developed with grant funds from the U.S. Department of Education Underground Railroad Educational and Cultural (URR) Program.

Serving as chief historian for Lincoln and New York and editor of the accompanying catalogue is noted Lincoln scholar and author Harold Holzer, co-chairman of the Lincoln Bicentennial Commission. He has also organized the Historical Society’s year-long Lincoln Series of public conversations and interviews. Serving as curator is Dr. Richard Rabinowitz, president of American History Workshop and curator of the exhibitions Slavery in New York and New York Divided: Slavery and the Civil War at the New-York Historical Society.

“Lincoln and New York is an important new advance in our understanding of Lincoln’s career, and a prime example of the striking benefits of viewing our nation’s history through the lens of New York,” stated Dr. Louise Mirrer, President and CEO of the New-York Historical Society.

Noted Harold Holzer:  “For the first time, this exhibition will show how the city’s politicians, preachers, picture-makers and publishers—its citizens, black as well as white, poor as well as rich—continued to aid, thwart, support, undermine, promote and sabotage Lincoln and his political party.  At the same time, we show how Lincoln came to influence the evolving history of New York. Despite ongoing political opposition, the state provided more men and materiel to the Union war effort than any other, even as it incubated virulent, sometimes racist, occasionally violent resistance to Lincoln’s presidency. In the end, New York created something more: it created the Lincoln image we know today.”

Commented Richard Rabinowitz: “Seeing how New York, as America’s media capital, created successive images of Abraham Lincoln, and how Lincoln as President shaped New York’s growing commercial and financial power, visitors will be amazed by the new light this exhibition casts, not only on the Civil War years but on today’s political landscape.”

Viewing Lincoln and New York

Lincoln and New York brings to life the period between Lincoln’s decisive entrance into the city’s life at the start of the 1860 Presidential campaign to his departure from it in 1865 as a secular martyr. During these years, the policies of the Lincoln administration damaged and then re-built the New York economy, transforming the city from a thriving port dependent on trade with the slave-holding South into the nation’s leading engine of financial and industrial growth; support and opposition to the President flared into a virtual civil war within the institutions and on the streets of New York, out of which emerged a pattern of political contention that survives to this day.

To begin this story, visitors follow the prairie lawyer eastward to his rendezvous with “the political cauldron” of New York in the winter of 1860. Visitors will learn something of his background and of the rapidly accelerating political crisis that had brought him to the fore: the battle over the extension of slavery into the western territories.

Then, in the six galleries that follow, visitors will discover the interconnections between these two unlikely partners: the ambitious western politician with scant national experience, and the sophisticated eastern metropolis that had become America’s capital of commerce and publishing.

Is Lincoln the Man? The Campaign for the Hearts and Minds of New York (1860) immerses visitors in the sights and sounds of the city, then the fastest-growing metropolis in the world, while re-creating Lincoln’s entire visit in February 1860 when his epoch-making address at the Cooper Union and the photograph for which he posed that same day together launched his national career. The displays will cast new light on the lecture culture of the antebellum city, the political divisions within its Republican organization, the strength of its publishing industry and the bustling, somewhat alien urban community that Lincoln encountered. The video re-creation of Lincoln’s Cooper Union speech, produced on site with acclaimed actor Sam Waterston’s vivid rendering of Lincoln’s arguments, brings that crucial evening to life. Visitors will re-enact for themselves how Lincoln posed for New York’s—and the nation’s—leading photographer, Matthew Brady, whose now-iconic photograph began the reinvention of Lincoln’s public image. As Lincoln himself said, “Brady and the Cooper Union speech made me President.”

Objects on view will include the telegram inviting Lincoln to give his first Eastern lecture (originally in “Brooklyn”), the lectern that he used at Cooper Union, the widely distributed printed text of his speech, photographic and photo-engraving equipment from this era and torches that were carried by pro-Lincoln “Wide Awakes” at their great October 6 New York march. Also on view will be a panoply of political cartoons and editorial commentary generated in New York that established “Honest Abe” and the “Railsplitter” as a viable and virtuous candidate, but concurrently began the tradition of anti-Lincoln caricature by introducing Lincoln as a slovenly rustic, reluctant to discuss the hot-button slavery issue but secretly favoring the radical idea of racial equality.

The next gallery, A City at Odds with the Nation (1861-62), registers the gyrating fortunes of the Lincoln Administration’s first year among New Yorkers—especially the editors and publishers of the city’s 175 daily and weekly newspapers and illustrated journals, who wielded unprecedented power. In the wake of his election, and the secession of the Southern states, the New York Stock Exchange had plummeted and New York harbor was stilled. Payment of New York’s huge outstanding debts from Southern planters and merchants ceased, and bankruptcies abounded.

Scarcely one docked ship hoisted the national colors to greet the new President-Elect in February 1861 when he visited on his way to Washington and the inauguration, and eyewitness Walt Whitman described his welcome along New York’s streets as “ominous.” Mayor Fernando Wood proposed that the city declare its independence from both the Union and the Confederacy and continue trading with both sides. Even New Yorkers unwilling to go that far desperately tried to find compromises with the South that in their words, “would avert the calamity of Civil War.”

Just two months later, though, in the wake of the attack on Fort Sumter, it suddenly appeared that every New Yorker was an avid defender of Old Glory. After war was declared, business leaders, including many powerful Democrats, pledged funds and goods to the effort. The Irish community, not previously sympathetic to Republicans, vigorously mobilized its own battalion in the first wave of responses to Lincoln’s call for troops to crush the Rebellion. But after the Confederate victory at Bull Run, the wheel turned again. From July 1861 onward for more than a year, the news was unremittingly bad. Battlefield mishaps, crippling inflation, profiteering among war contractors, corruption in the supply of “shoddy” equipment and clothing for the troops, the ability of Confederate raiders to seize dozens of New York merchant ships right outside the harbor, the imposition of an income tax and a controversial effort to reform banking, alarming New York’s regulation-wary financial institutions: all these led to relentless press and public criticism of Lincoln. New York’s cartoonists, as shown in the exhibition, found every possible way to caricature the President’s homely appearance and controversial policies.  Even abolitionists and blacks despaired of the President’s reluctance to embrace emancipation and the recruitment of African-Americans into the Union war effort.  Former allies such as Horace Greeley slammed Lincoln for putting reunification above freedom as a war goal.

In this gallery, the objects that tell the story will include colorful recruitment posters for the Union army, the great, seldom-lent Thomas Nast painting of the departure of the 7th Regiment for the Front, rare original photographs of the great rally in Union Square on April 21, 1861, and the bullet-shattered coat of Lincoln’s young New York-born friend, and onetime bodyguard, Colonel Elmer Ephraim Ellsworth, the first Union officer killed in the war.

Gallery 3, titled Civil War Within Civil War, illustrates the mutual animosity of New York’s pro- and anti-Lincoln forces by exhibiting bigger-than-life, three-dimensional versions of the era’s political cartoons. On one side are the Democratic Party politicians and their backers, caricatured by their opponents as bartenders in a political clubhouse, “dispensing a poisonous brew of sedition and fear.” On the other side, a caricature of Lincoln’s New York supporters—officials of the United States Sanitary Commission—shows them enjoying a sumptuous feast,

celebrating the ethic of economic opportunity for the rich and the values of hard work, obedience, and self-discipline for the poor. Visitors will see how a powerful New York party of Peace Democrats, or Copperheads, portrayed Lincoln as a despot, warned against “race mongrelization,” and encouraged desertion and draft-dodging. At the same time, the gallery will show how some New Yorkers reaped the benefits of the war, given that their city was the principal home of many of the industries and services Lincoln needed: munitions, shipbuilding, medical supplies, food supplies, money lending and more. Interactive media in Gallery 3 will help visitors (especially of school age) explore the economic issues that so bitterly divided New York.

Gallery 4, The Northernmost Battlefield of the War, re-creates seven different conflicts in the city between 1862 and 1864. In each one, the visitor is invited to choose a side, listen to “the talk of the town,” and locate historic landmarks that survive from this era. Among the political and social flashpoints were Lincoln’s issuance of the Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation; the suspension of habeas corpus and press freedom; the institution of a military draft; the promotion (by Lincoln’s elite Protestant supporters) of a new ethic of civic philanthropy, industrial progress, and national expansion; and the bitter Presidential campaign of 1864. Visitors will be brought into the setting of Shiloh Presbyterian Church (on the corner of Prince and Lafayette Street) on “Jubilation Day,” January 1, 1863, when emancipation was proclaimed; re-live the four-day Manhattan insurrection of July 1863 known as the Draft Riots, which claimed more than 120 lives before they were put down by troops from the 7th Regiment, recalled from Gettysburg; glimpse the crowded pavilions of the loyalists’ Metropolitan Sanitary Fair of April 1864; and see a multitude of cartoons, engravings, pamphlets, flags, posters, lanterns, and campaign memorabilia.

The evolution of Lincoln’s image—from Railsplitter to Jokester to Tyrant to Gentle Father—is the subject of Gallery 5, Eye on Lincoln. Four iconic portraits, all enormously influential, mostly from life, and none ever displayed together in such a suite—one by Thomas Hicks, one by William Marshall, and two by Francis Bicknell Carpenter (of Lincoln alone and of the assembled family)—anchor the investigation. Interactive programs allow visitors to learn more about the creation and re-production of these images, their iconographic roots in western art, and the artists’ biographies.

The last major gallery, The Martyred President, takes the visitor from Lincoln’s victory in the 1864 election to his New York funeral procession, perhaps the largest such event yet held in world history, involving hundreds of thousands of participants and inspiring an outburst of mourning among whites and blacks, Christians and Jews, that signaled the transfiguration of the late president’s heretofore-controversial image. A video documents the triumphant events of March and April 1865: the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment outlawing slavery, the delivery of the second inaugural address, and the surrender of the Confederate armies. In New York, a gigantic parade celebrated Lincoln on March 5, 1865. And then, after Lincoln’s assassination on April 15, the fierce political antagonisms surrounding Lincoln suddenly evaporated, and a new image emerged of a Christ-like, compassionate, and brooding hero who gave his life so that the nation would enjoy a “new birth of freedom.”

A superb collection of memorial material produced and distributed in the city is accompanied by artwork representing Lincoln’s apotheosis. Included will be the recently discovered scrapbook of a New Yorker who roamed the streets after Lincoln’s death sketching the impromptu written and visual tributes that sprung up in shop windows and on building façades in the wake of Lincoln’s murder. Perhaps the greatest memorial of all was New Yorker Walt Whitman’s poem “When Lilacs Last in the Dooryard Bloom’d.”

As a coda, the exhibition concludes with a brief tour of how New Yorkers have continued to memorialize Lincoln—in the names of streets and institutions; in the development of an egalitarian national creed; in a powerful sense of nationhood; and in a constantly evolving sense that this is the most representative and inspiring of all Americans.


The exhibition will be accompanied by a lavishly illustrated, full-color catalogue edited by guest historian Harold Holzer, who has also contributed an introductory essay and a chapter on the city’s publishers and the making of Lincoln’s image in New York.  Additional essays have been written by historians Jean Harvey Baker, Catherine Clinton, James Horton, Michael Kammen, Barnet Schechter, Craig L. Symonds, and Frank J. Williams, with a preface by New-York Historical Society President and CEO Louise Mirrer, all featuring seldom-seen pictures, artifacts, and documents from the Society collections.

Support for Lincoln and New York

Objects in the exhibition come from the New-York Historical Society’s own rich and extensive collections; from the Gilder Lehrman Collection, on deposit at the New-York Historical Society; and from other major institutions including the Library of Congress, The Cooper Union, Chicago History Museum, John Jay Library at Brown University, Union League Club, New York Military Museum, Cornell University, the University of Illinois, and the New York Public Library.

In addition to generous funding from JPMorgan Chase & Co. and the U.S. Department of Education Underground Railroad Education and Cultural (URR) Program, additional project support for the exhibition has been provided by The Bodman Foundation, the National Endowment for the Humanities and public funds from the New York City Department of Cultural Affairs. Thirteen, a WNET.ORG station, is media sponsor.

For ongoing information about Lincoln Year events, the public is invited to visit the Historical Society’s website at www.nyhistory.org.

About the New-York Historical Society

Established in 1804, the New-York Historical Society (N-YHS) comprises New York’s oldest museum and a nationally renowned research library. N-YHS collects, preserves, and interprets American history and art. Its mission is to make these collections accessible to the broadest public and increase understanding of American history through exhibitions, public programs, and research that reveal the dynamism of history and its impact on the world today. N-YHS holdings cover four centuries of American history and comprise one of the world’s greatest collections of historical artifacts, American art, and other materials documenting the history of the United States as seen through the prism of New York City and State.

Free Access to Lincoln Biography

First, thanks to Brett at TOCWOC and the gang over at Civil Warriors for sharing this news.

Knox College is making an unedited PDF version of Michael Burlingame’s 2008 two-volume biography Abraham Lincoln: A Life, which was published by John Hopkins University Press. Here are the details from their website:

Abraham Lincoln: A Life
by Michael Burlingame – Unedited Manuscript by Chapters

Michael Burlingame’s long-awaited Abraham Lincoln: A Life, published in 2008 by the Johns Hopkins University Press in two large volumes and nearly 2,000 pages, is believed by many Lincoln scholars to be the most exhaustively researched and fully documented biography of Abraham Lincoln ever written.

The work as originally submitted was even more extensive, but largely because of space limitations, it was considered necessary to condense both the narrative and the accompanying documentation. By agreement with the author and the publisher, and in the interest of giving scholars and other students of Lincoln access to references and sources not appearing in the published version, the Lincoln Studies Center is privileged to present on this site the author’s original unedited manuscript. This manuscript is accessible by individual chapters, which are displayed in searchable, read-only PDF format.

The user is advised that the work presented here is copyrighted, that Johns Hopkins University Press reserves all rights, and that this material may not be reproduced without permission.

The two-volume set may be ordered at a 25% discount (promo code GZA) direct from the publisher.

Only the unedited manuscripts for the chapters in Volume One are available at present. Those for Volume Two are in preparation and will be available soon.

I hope you will all check this out. I know I will.

Click here to view Vol. 1.

We Wish to be Remembered

Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain, the hero of Little Round Top during the Battle of Gettysburg, Pennsylvania July 2, 1863, said in his 1884 Memorial Day Address,[1] “We wish to be remembered. Willing to die, we are not willing to be forgotten.” How the American Civil War is remembered has changed over time and locale. Where the American Civil War is remembered and by whom, is also a determinant of how it is remembered. What is forgotten over time and locale is equally important as to what is remembered. The memories of the war needed to serve a purpose, especially for the people who lost the war, that would connect them not only with their past but with their future as citizens of the post-bellum United States. One of the earliest shapers of the memories of the Civil War was the Southern historian, Edward A. Pollard.

Pollard, one of the people of the Confederate States of America therefore re-wrote their history to justify their past, and to create a place for the Southern people in the re-united States to reconcile their conflicting memories in a “slaveless,” northern-dominated union. Rather than seeing themselves as defending slavery and the extension of slavery, the Southerners sought to believe that they were defending state’s rights, preserving Southern culture and civilization, and protecting private property. The secessionists claimed that they only wanted to respect the founding fathers’ vision of an American union of Sovereign States; their Southern virtue was destroyed by Northern might.

Pollard viewed their actions as defensive, and regrettably necessary to repulse unwarranted northern aggression; to shield the African Americans in their care from rebellious and immoral influences. Antebellum Southerners claimed that they cherished the child-like innocence of the African Americans, and had a paternal desire to maintain their good social order. As one their spokesmen, the Southern historian Pollard and his works would at first defend slavery as morally good and then later the Confederacy itself as a necessary move to defend the south, its way of life, and their peculiar institution of slavery.

However, Pollard represents one of the better known examples of the reconstruction of a rebel’s antebellum views to a post-bellum unionism. He was born in the “Old South” on his family’s plantation in Virginia, February 27, 1832. He grew up on family plantations and was educated at the University of Virginia. He prospected for gold in California but gave it up to write for newspapers. While he was employed in the early 1850s in newspaper work, his assignments had him traveling in eastern Asia. Pollard returned to the American East in 1856 and he toured the South Atlantic states. He wrote and published articles about the benign life of Southern plantations.  Contrasting the life of the slave in the “Old South,” to the miserable life of slaves in the “Orient,” Pollard declared that American slaves were fortunate to live in Southern civilization rather than the “Orient.” He defended American slavery as benign and paternalistic.

His best known antebellum work was, Black Diamonds Gathered in the Darkey Homes of the South, extolling the humanitarian aspects of slavery in the south. The book also discussed the common schemes of Southern planters to colonize south of America. Pollard’s proclaimed that Central and South America could be a new American Empire of slavery for the United States, given that expanding slavery into the western territories was problematical due to the American abolitionists, “… the destiny of Southern civilization is to be consummated in a glory brighter even than that of old, the glory of an empire, controlling the commerce of the world, impregnable in its position , and represent in its internal structure the most harmonious of all the systems of modern civilization.”[2] He argued that slavery elevated the African Americans, not degraded them. Pollard’s vision of a glorious Southern empire based on chattel slavery, reflected the Southerners’ comprehension of their peculiar institution, which they were prepared to protect by “withdrawing” from the union.

During the secession of the Southern states in 1861, Pollard was in Washington serving as a clerk for the House Judiciary Committee. During the secession he left Washington for Maryland, where his brother H. Rives Pollard, was the news editor of the Baltimore Sun. With the outbreak of hostilities (First Battle of Manassas) between the north and the south, the Pollard brothers moved to Richmond, Virginia, and joined the staff of the Southern Rights newspaper, the Examiner. Edward A. Pollard shared editorial duties with his brother and the senior editor, (a friend of Edgar A. Poe), John Moncure Daniel. Edward A. Pollard, nonetheless found time to continue his chronicles of the war.

Pollard attempted to write the history of the war as it occurred. The Southern History of the War was prepared in annual volumes as the war progressed. However, his work was interrupted in 1864. He planned to travel to Great Britain on behalf of the Confederate States of  America. He was captured by the Union when the blockade runner (ship) he was on attempted to run the Union blockade of Richmond, Virginia on its way to Great Britain. He was temporarily imprisoned in New York, as a prisoner of the United States and then taken south to spend the last part of the war in custody at Fortress Monroe, Virginia. When he was paroled and released in a prisoner exchange in January 1865, he rejoined the Richmond, Virginia Examiner staff, and continued his work on the Southern History of the War. After the final volume of the Southern History of the War was published in 1865, Pollard decided to write a new Southern history of the war of the Confederates. His efforts culminated in his 752 page book, The Lost Cause; a New Southern History of the War of the Confederates.

The Lost Cause, according to the author, was the loss of Southern civilization, the ameliorating rule of white slave owners, and the excision of slavery from the United States. According to Pollard in his 1866 book, the war did not decide the issues of, “negro suffrage, State Rights or Southern Politics.”[3] The war was lost, but the ideals of the slave holders were still a part of Southern culture and politics. Pollard said that the “accident” of defeat did not tarnish the “heroic record of the Confederacy.” He looked for the armed conflict to resume in the near future. Pollard exhorted his Confederate readers at the end of his books to remember their Confederate heritage. He anticipated the failure of emancipation and the restoration of African American servitude, because it was their “natural” condition. The racist opposition in the North to civil rights for the African Americans would help bring about the failure of emancipation, according to Pollard.[4] His views as a popular author reflected the opinions of his Southern readers. Some of his Southern fans found it difficult to give up the master/slave mentality and they (whites) continued to think of themselves as masters after the war.

A letter from a Mississippi planter October 22, 1865, to his state legislators warned of the dangers of the black union soldiers stationed in Panola, Mississippi, talking to the local freedmen and telling them “stories” about their rights. In his letter the planter E. G. Baker, writes that he wants the black union soldiers removed. He writes that he finds it very strange that freedmen would listen to the soldiers. “Strange to say the negroes believe such stories in spite of facts to the contrary told them by their masters (sic) employers.”[5] The ex-slave holder’s memory of recent events slips as he writes. It is an understandable slip considering that the whites had been the masters of the African Americans for many generations.

During the later years of reconstruction Pollard wrote another book about the “Lost Cause” called, The Lost Cause Regained. In the introduction to his new book he explains the title by stating that “… the true cause fought for in the late war has not been “lost” war immeasurably or irrevocably, but is yet in a condition to be regained by the South on ultimate issues of the political contest.”[6] His new work attempts to reinterpret the transition of the Old South (representative of the Confederacy) to the New South (of the restored Union), by explaining that the true battle had not been for slavery or its expansion, but rather for white supremacy and constitutional limitations. “As long as white men governed by limited powers they could reassure themselves that the essence of their “Lost Cause”  still remained with them.”[7]

Many of Pollard’s readers in the South welcome the “redefining” of the popular memory of the “late war.” They did not lose the war because their ideals were false or indefensible. The war was lost by the accident of the North’s overwhelming numbers of materiel and men. According to Pollard, the issue of slavery and state’s rights was a misunderstanding on the part of the North. The North did not understand that the South was fighting for the supremacy of the white race, and along with it the preservation of the political traditions of the country.[8] Pollard wrote that the “Negro” race was considered inferior to all other races of men. “It is from this inferiority that we deduce all the benefits of slavery in the past. The fact is important as a historical vindication of the past. It is also important as a supreme instruction for the future.” He then proceeds to reshape the Southern memory of the war as a war of defense against the dangers of the inferior race unbound by uncaring abolitionists. Pollard asks what this inferior race would be able to do without the guidance of the white people who cared for them. The issue of “Negro” suffrage is another example of re-shaping the public memory of the war.

Pollard points out that the people of the North show extreme “sensitiveness” on the issue of entertaining the “Negro” as an equal at the polls. He uses the reluctance of Northern politicians to grant suffrage to African Americans, to castigate the white Northern politicians as scalawags and hypocrites. In 1865, Negro suffrage was voted down in Connecticut, Colorado, Wisconsin, and Minnesota. In 1867 a joint resolution was passed by the Legislature of Ohio to propose an amendment to the state constitution, striking the word “white” from the franchise law of the state. It was rejected by a majority of over 50,000 voters when a popular vote was taken. Similar results occurred in Minnesota and Kansas that year, rejecting the franchise for “people of color.”[9] Freeing the slaves by the Northerners obviously was not the same as granting the freedmen social equality in northern American society. This did not really surprise Pollard who held a dim view of the North. His description from his earlier work, The Lost Cause concerning Northern society was as blunt as it was judgmental.

Pollard, like many Southern gentlemen of the times, found the culture of the North to be coarse and materialistic, charactierized by individual acquisitiveness. Northerners, he wrote, were “a people corrupted by a gross material prosperity …” Their ruling elite was “a coarse ostentation aristocracy that smelt of the trade …” Their animating force was an “unremitting hunt after selfish aggrandizement,” often disguised by self-righteous pretenses. The capitalist elite, out of envy for the Southern gentry that was its natural superior, had launched the campaign of aggression against Southern institutions. According to Pollard, North and South were incompatible societies.[10] In spite of his disdain for the North he did eventually undergo a conversion from a proslavery Southern nationalist world view, to a supporter of the Unionist and free-labor paradigm.

He remained a bitter opponent of the Radical Republic Reconstruction politics. According to historian Jack P. Maddex Jr.,[11] Pollard actually “reconstructed” the tradition of the Old South to fit post-bellum definitions of American loyalty. Like many other Southerners, Pollard wanted to participate in local and eventually national politics. Where his stance of Southern nationalism had kept him from identifying with conservative unionists, the lure of local politics had him publishing articles extolling the American Union in patriotic terms that excluded his former secessionism. The reconstruction of the Southern memory of the Civil War continued with the reconstruction of its favorite Southern historian. He wrote a series of articles that showed the direction of his change.

In The Living Politicians of To-day (sic) Pollard denounced the Republican Party’s leaders. He lauded however, President Johnson, Secretary of State William Seward, and Democratic congressman “Gentleman” George H. Pendleton of Ohio who was a noted anti-war Democrat. As he continued his series, Pollard started to refer to secession as a “violent and revolutionary measure.” The fact that his new writings contradicted his old writings did not seem to faze him. In the space of a few years, he said that his thinking had matured. Along with his new maturity, shared with many citizens of the South, were his alterations of history. In another surprising change, Pollard wrote that John C. Calhoun, the great Southern Rights statesman, had been a “sound Union man” who had never believed in the right of secession.[12] President Lincoln was extolled for his intentions of a “generous restoration of rights” to the Southern states after the war. President Johnson was praised for his reconstruction policy, including freeing the slaves and the repudiation of Confederate public debts. African American suffrage however, was still another issue.

Most Republican leaders, he thought, advocated “Negro” suffrage only as a means to perpetuate their party’s “despotism.” Only “Negro” suffrage could keep the Republican Party in power. Pollard argued in The Lost Cause Regained that the original opposition (the Civil War) to the Republican Party of Lincoln was for white supremacy and constitutional limits. Slavery was not the reason for the South’s secession and Civil War. The Republican Party was now showing its “true colors” with their “black” rule and military despotism. “The new cause,” he wrote, was “the true question of the war revived,” and it consisted of “the supremacy of the white race” and “the protection of our ancient fabrics of government.”[13] The myth of the South only fighting for States Rights and Independence was now established in Southern memory. The new cause, according to Pollard was the supremacy of the white race.

Historians must make judgments about the people they choose to research. Historians, as professionals, have a responsibility to be honest, fair, objective and unbiased. In order to avoid propagandizing, it is important to verify all the relevant facts that the historian uses in interpreting history. Pollard did not live up to the responsibilities of being an historian. His distortions of the ex-slaves and the African Americans in general were racists and appealed to many Southerners.

Southerners, following the reasoning of Pollard, should base their rationale for white supremacy on the claim that African Americans are intellectually inferior because of their race. This was a way of thinking that former slave holders could sympathize with and embrace as a logical rationale. The Unionist Democrats, Pollard wrote, had laid the true foundation for post-bellum conservative policies. He now preferred them to the Confederate sympathizers in the North, and he took their slogan of 1864, “The Union as it was,” as his own slogan for the 1868 election. Their kind of Unionism, not “the Lost Cause,” was the source of his policy of white supremacy and constitutional limitations.[14]

The issue of white supremacy was becoming an issue in national politics with Reconstruction an extensively debated policy in the North and the South. The Democrat presidential nominee, New York Governor Horatio Seymour, ran an openly racist election with the campaign slogan, “This is a white man’s country, let white men rule.” Racism failed to sway the voters, and General Ulysses S. Grant was elected President of the United States with a landslide victory for the Republican Party. The “Lost Cause” was continuing to lose in national politics, even in the South.

According to historian David W. Blight, the “Lost Cause” bred dissenters. The scalawags, ex-Confederates who joined the Republican Party during Reconstruction, were the first dissenters from “Lost Cause” ideology. The much maligned James Longstreet of Georgia, former colonel and legendary partisan cavalry leader in Virginia John S. Mosby, political leaders such as James W. Hunnicut in Virginia, James Lusk Alcorn of Mississippi, Amos T. Ackerman of Georgia, and Thomas Settle Jr. of North Carolina, and many others embraced new economic development and acted with a spirit of unionism to resist the “Lost Cause” mythology.[15]

While it was assumed that the battles of conflicting ideology, racial and racist politics, and the memories of why the United States fought a Civil War, would continue to be a source of contention and distrust, there were some people willing to work together to overcome these differences. Some white Southerners eventually formed a biracial, political alliance in Virginia to strengthen their party by taking advantage of the many African American voters, to contend with the conservative Democrats. They were called “Readjusters” and wanted to repudiate at least part of the state debt, incurred before the war to finance railroads, canals, and other public works. Conservative Democrats, known as “Funders”, wanted to take money from the education budget to pay down the state debt.

The “Readjusters” promised to readjust the state debt and wanted a public investment in the expansion of schooling, and economic development that would serve ordinary black and white people in their lives.[16] It was an alliance party with a short period of history that ended about 1883. After the “Readjuster” Party lost power, Virginia’s Democrat Party ruled Virginia’s politics for the next 80 years. Another prominent American, Frederick Douglass was also concerned with the issue of how the Civil War was to be remembered, particularly in an emerging culture of reconciliation.

Douglass was concerned about the new myths of “failed” emancipation, reconstruction and freedom resulting in African American barbarism. In a speech in 1888 Douglas said, “It (the theory of black degeneration) has gone forth to the North. It has crossed the ocean. It has gone to Europe, and it has gone as far as the wings of the press, and the power of speech can carry it.”[17] The memory of the Civil War as espoused by Pollard, of a bipartisan patriotic legend with white supremacy and constitutional limitations was not the memory that Douglass wanted passed on to future generations of Americans. The culture of reconciliation however, continued to encompass the white consciousness of remembrance.

By the 50th anniversary of the battle of Gettysburg in 1913, reconciliation and the commemoration of a “glorious fight” in which everyone was declared by the speakers as “right,” was celebrated by over 53,000 white veterans in their blue or gray uniforms. By the rules of the Pennsylvania Commission, African American GAR members with honorable discharge papers were eligible to participate in the battle’s commemoration. There is no evidence, according to Civil War historian Blight that any African Americans participated in the reunion as veterans.[18] There was however an “army” of African Americans, who labored to set up the miles of tents in the tent city, distribute mess kits and blankets, dig latrines, build kitchens, and install the electrical facilities for the 50th reunion. The irony of it would not have been lost on Douglass, or Pollard, had they been able to witness the encampment celebration.

Typical of the encampment theme of reconciliation, was the reenactment of Pickett’s Charge on July 3, 1913, when the members of the Philadelphia Brigade Association  and the Pickett’s Division Association, clasped hands across the stone wall they had fought over fifty years earlier. It was reported as an emotional event that sealed the reconciliation of the North and South, and of the American union. The memory of the occasion for the veterans and spectators was recorded by the press photographers. The photographs of this celebrated event were published in most newspapers in the United States.

The black newspapers were wary of the celebration at Gettysburg during this time of increased lynchings, and deepening segregation.  President Wilson’s recent forced segregation of federal workers and facilities in Washington, because of the increased number of southern workers that came in with the Wilson administration, rankled. “We are wondering,” declared the Baltimore Afro-American Ledger, a major Maryland newspaper, “whether Mr. Lincoln had the slightest idea in his mind that the time would ever come when the people of this country would come to the conclusion that by the ‘People,’ he meant only white people.”[19] White supremacy joined arms with Reconciliation in the Civil War remembrances during the fiftieth Gettysburg reunion in 1913.

The burden of those memories, and their oppressive results would eventually be ameliorated however, with the unheralded birth of the future civil rights activist, Rosa Louise McCauley in 1913. Born fifty years after the battle of Gettysburg, as the 42 year old Rosa Parks she would say “no” in 1955 to Montgomery, Alabama bus driver James Blake’s demand that she relinquish her seat to a white man. She was also saying “no” to Pollard and his twisted reconstruction of the nation’s historical memories of the Civil War.

[1] Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain. Excerpt from his Memorial Day Address, 1884.

[2] Edward A. Polland. Black Diamonds Gathered in the Darkey Homes of the South, (New York: Pudney & Russell, Publishers 1859), 108.

[3] Edward A. Pollard. The Lost Cause; a New Southern History of the War of the Confederates. (New York: E. B. Treat & Co, 1866), 752.

[4] Pollard, The Lost Cause, 729.

[5] Ira Berlin et al., Free At Last, (New York: The New Press), 520.

[6] Edward A. Pollard. The Lost Cause Regained, (New York: G.W. Carleton & Co., 1868), 13.

[7] Jack P. Maddex Jr., The Reconstruction of Edward A. Pollard, (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press 1974), 84.

[8] Pollard. The Lost Cause Regained, 13.

[9] Pollard. The Lost Cause Regained, 133.

[10] Pollard. The Lost Cause, 49 – 52.

[11] Maddex. The Reconstruction of Pollard, 45.

[12] Edward A. Pollard. “Personal Recollections of John C. Calhoun.” New York Citizen, 9 May 1868, p. 2.

[13] Pollard, The Lost Cause Regained, 102, 106-7, 154.

[14] Pollard, The Lost Cause Regained, 207.

[15] David W. Blight, Race and Reunion: the Civil War in American Memory, (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 2002), 293.

[16] Blight, Race and Reunion, 293.

[17] Blight, Race and Reunion, 317.

[18] Blight, Race and Reunion, 385.

[19] Blight, Race and Reunion, 390.


Berlin, Ira, Barbara J. Fields, Steven F. Miller, et al. eds. Free At Last: A Documentary History of Slavery, Freedom, and the Civil War. New York: The New Press, 1992.

Blight, David W. Race and Reunion: the Civil War in American Memory. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 2002.

Maddex Jr, Jack P. The Reconstruction of Edward A. Pollard: A Rebel’s Conversion to Postbellum Unionism. Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina, 1974.

Pollard, Edward A. The Lost Cause; a New Southern History of the War of the Confederates. New York: E. B. Treat & Co, 1866.

Pollard, Edward A. The Lost Cause Regained. New York: G. W. Carleton & Co, 1868.

Pollard, Edward A. “Personal Recollections of John C. Calhoun.” New York Citizen, 9 May 1868.

The Naval Civil War Encyclopedia


Military History Series


March 17, 2009


Dear Colleague:


Once more, we are at the beginning stage of a new military history project, The Naval Civil War Encyclopedia.  Attached is an entry list of topics for which we seek authors.  Our goal is to assign these subjects out and have them written and submitted as soon as possible. 


These essays will be used in a variety of products beyond the printed book, including interactive web sites, workbooks, chronologies, handbooks, etc.  They are designed to appeal to a broad audience, including academics, students, and general readers alike. 


ABC-CLIO has more than 50 years of experience in historical reference publishing, and has won many awards for its books and publications.  It has also recently acquired Greenwood Press and Praeger Publishing and now controls over 18,000 titles.  Our Military History Series has earned the Editor’s Choice Award from Booklist for 2005, 2006, 2007, and 2008 and the Distinguished Achievement Award for 2006 (United States at War database), among many others. 


I hope you will consider taking on as many topics as you can.  The due dates are flexible, but I prefer to have essays completed within 60 days of their assignment.  ALL must be submitted by no later than July 15, 2009.


If you are able to contribute, please send me an e-mail at wwhyte@rcn.com with a list of the entries you would be willing to write along with any specific time constraints you might have in completing them.  I will get back to you ASAP to make formal assignments.


If you have any ideas for entries you believe are important to this project (such as individual ships) please suggest them. Thank you.


Best wishes,


Billy Whyte

Assistant Editor